India’s Groundwater Demand and Depletion By Suryavanshi IAS

 India’s Groundwater Demand and Depletion

By Suryavanshi IAS

India is by far the world’s largest consumer of groundwater, drawing down aquifers faster than they recharge. Official data for 2024 show about 446.9 billion cubic meters (BCM) of groundwater recharge per year, of which roughly 245.6 BCM (≈60%) is extracted annually. Around 11–12% of India’s assessment units (blocks) are classified as “over-exploited,” meaning extraction exceeds natural recharge. In aggregate, India pumps about 60% of its replenishable groundwater each year, with about 87% of that used for irrigation and 11% for domestic supply. These national figures mask far worse stress in many regions, driven by water-intensive cropping and rapid urban growth.

Regional Hotspots of Groundwater Stress

Punjab and Haryana

Punjab and Haryana epitomize India’s groundwater crisis. Satellite studies show Punjab lost ~64.6 BCM of groundwater between 2003–20, and by 2021 more than 70% of its monitored wells had declined by over 4 m. Today about 72% of Punjab’s irrigated land relies on tube wells, a dramatic rise from 8% in 1970, due to free or subsidized electricity for pumps. Punjab now has ~15 lakh tube wells (up from 1.9 lakh in 1970), pumping as much as 4.4 BCM per week at peak. As a result ~80% of its blocks are ‘over-exploited’, with farmers digging ever deeper wells (some 50 m deeper over 20 years in Sangrur). Water tables drop ~0.5 m per year on average, reaching hundreds of meters in places.

Haryana faces a similar plight: roughly 136 units of water are drawn for every 100 replenished, and over one-third of its blocks are over-exploited. Between 2017–23, the share of Haryana’s over-exploited blocks rose sharply. Intensive Punjab/Haryana farming has also contaminated aquifers: independent and CGWB tests found uranium, arsenic, fluoride and chloride above safe limits in many districts. In 2023, a CGWB report found that 20 districts in Punjab and 16 in Haryana had groundwater uranium >30 ppb (the safe limit). Elevated nitrates and arsenic were also widespread – e.g. >12% of samples exceeded nitrate norms and 12 Punjab districts had arsenic above 10 ppb. In some southern Haryana areas, groundwater is already officially “unfit” for drinking.

Western Uttar Pradesh

In Uttar Pradesh the “upper Ganga-Yamuna doab” and western districts mirror Punjab’s patterns. Western UP (doab) farmers grow paddy, wheat and sugarcane on massive scales using tube wells and cheap power, causing severe drawdown. About 71 units of water are pumped per 100 recharged on average statewide, but in the west almost all blocks over-extract: ~20 m declines over decades are reported in some districts. The central CGWB found all UP’s over-exploited blocks lie in the west. By contrast, the rainier east of UP still mostly recharges faster than it’s pumped. Overall, western UP is on “thin ice” unless cropping and pumping change; eastern UP (and Bihar) generally have enough rain and river flow to avoid acute groundwater shortages.

Rajasthan

Rajasthan – India’s driest state – also over-drains its aquifers. It withdraws ~149 units per 100 replenished. A 2022 report found 203 of 249 blocks “critical” or “over-exploited.” Most canal-irrigated rice is limited to the east; elsewhere tubewells support mustard, wheat, cotton and pulses. In NW/central Rajasthan (e.g. Barmer, Jaisalmer, Jodhpur), urban and agricultural demand have long depleted “fossil” groundwater with virtually no recharge. Deep wells there already tap brackish, fluoride-heavy water; fluorosis in parts of Rajasthan is nearly double the national average.

However, Rajasthan has also pioneered recharge. Under the Mukhyamantri Jal Swavlamban Abhiyan, thousands of village ponds and infiltration structures were built. As a result, >50% of monitored wells in Rajasthan now show rising water levels, one of the few positive trends nationally.

Maharashtra (Marathwada and Western Maharashtra)

Overall, Maharashtra’s state-level groundwater stress is moderate – only ~2.5% of its talukas are over-exploited and extraction ~54% of recharge. But there are severe local crises. In drought-prone Marathwada (e.g. Latur, Beed), repeated monsoon failures have forced farmers to drill 80–100 m wells; Latur even needed water trains in 2016. Meanwhile, the “sugar belt” of western Maharashtra (Ahmednagar, Pune, Sangli, Solapur, Satara) grows sugarcane on groundwater. There, farmers often drill deep to irrigate a second crop. About 5% of Maharashtra’s talukas are already critical or over-exploited, and canals are scarce, so over-pumping is routine.

Tamil Nadu

Tamil Nadu depends heavily on groundwater and the northeast monsoon. By 2017, 89% of monitored wells in TN were falling, especially in the north and west. For example, the number of over-exploited blocks in Tiruvallur district jumped 75% by 2017. Only a temporary reprieve came in late 2023/2024: government data showed 72.6% of wells had higher water levels in Nov 2023 vs. the 2013–22 average, likely after a good monsoon. But long-term extraction remains high. In 2024, Chennai city alone extracted 13.51 BCM for irrigation out of the state’s 14.45 BCM annual pumping. Overall 106 of TN’s 313 blocks were “over-exploited” by the mid-2020s, despite farmers shifting some land to millets, pulses or cotton with drip irrigation.

Urban Overdraft and Salinity

Many Indian cities now rely heavily on groundwater, straining aquifers and causing saltwater intrusion. In the Delhi NCR, expanding towns like Noida and Gurugram drill ever-deeper borewells to meet demand. Kolkata and Nagapattinam’s water tables have gone saline as Bay of Bengal seawater seeps into depleted aquifers. Chennai is especially alarming: it withdrew 127.5% of its recharge in 2023 (down from 133% in 2022). Of Chennai’s 51 blocks, all but five are over-exploited. Despite mandatory rainwater harvesting (since 2003) and new desalination plants, Chennai’s reservoirs remain dependent on erratic rain.

In Bengaluru, unplanned urban growth has destroyed recharge sources. A 2024 IISc study found built-up area up 1055% over 50 years, while lake/wetland area fell 79%. The city’s groundwater blocks are “over-exploited”; recent heatwaves even left ~7,000 out of 14,000 borewells dry (some drilling reached 450 m). Hyderabad fared slightly better with large reservoirs, but its expanding suburbs rely on groundwater. In Greater Hyderabad, the water table fell 2–7 m across most areas between March 2023 and 2024, as officials note.

In poorer towns, residents often must pay more or migrate. When aquifers drop, pump power bills rise and small farmers fall into debt. Industrial and municipal wells compete with farmers for a shrinking share, often drawing from the same finite aquifers. Deeper pumping also brings up water high in fluoride, salinity or other contaminants, reducing crop yields and health. This convergence of over-pumping and pollution is a classic “tragedy of the commons,” since each user lacks incentive to conserve when neighbors are pumping as well.

Causes: Cropping, Subsidies and Incentives

India’s groundwater crisis is fundamentally driven by agriculture and subsidy policies. The Green Revolution promoted rice-wheat rotations to boost food security, but those crops are water-intensive. Rice, for example, requires roughly 3,000–5,000 L per kg (twice that of wheat or maize). Farmers now grow rice and sugarcane year-round in regions where rainfall is far lower than crop needs. Even crop diversification schemes have had mixed impact. Paddy and sugar monocultures keep pumps running 8–12 months per year, unlike traditional millets or pulses which use less water and let aquifers recharge.

On the input side, governments have long subsidized electricity for farm pumps, decoupling pumping from cost. Cheap or free power has allowed ever more tubewells: Punjab’s pump count rose from 1.9 lakh (1970) to 15 lakh, pumping at will. Reports even note farmers running pumps after fields are watered just to exhaust free electricity quotas or to sell excess water. In effect, state policy rewarded expanding irrigated area over conservation. Procurement policies (like fixed purchase prices for wheat/rice) further incentivize water-thirsty crops even in arid zones.

Irrigation methods also matter. Most Indian farms still use flood irrigation, which is inefficient. Even where surface canals exist, leakiness or high conveyance losses often lead farmers to prefer tubewells nearby. Adoption of drip/sprinkler irrigation (micro-irrigation) has been relatively slow, though growing. Similarly, on-farm practices like laser levelling, crop rotation, or timely irrigation can save water but are underutilized.

Finally, there has been little local regulation of rural pumping. Groundwater is a common-pool resource but lacks coordinated management. The Centre and states only modestly restrict drilling. Some over-exploited blocks are officially notified under the Central Ground Water Authority (CGWA) guidelines, banning new industrial/commercial wells, but enforcement at farm level is rare. A 2021 World Bank evaluation found only ~14% of overexploited blocks had actually been notified as such. Community water management has generally remained weak, so farmers compete to pump more, fearing neighbors will outpace them.

Impacts on Water Quality and Societies

Excessive pumping degrades water quality as well as quantity. Removing fresh water concentrates salts and minerals in the remaining groundwater. High fluoride causes widespread fluorosis in parts of Rajasthan and Tamil Nadu; deep wells in Punjab/Haryana increasingly show uranium and nitrate above safe limits. In the 2024 CGWB quality report, 19.8% of all national samples exceeded nitrate norms, 9.04% exceeded fluoride, and 3.1% exceeded arsenic limits. States like Haryana, Rajasthan and Andhra saw “isolated pockets” of contamination. In practice, this means many rural populations risk serious health issues from groundwater.

Socially and economically, depleted aquifers are disastrous. As water tables fall, farmers need stronger (and more expensive) pumps, deeper borewells, and higher energy costs just to lift a given volume. In Punjab, the rising cost of pumping has been linked to 30% yield reductions from brackish water. Smallholders often go into debt drilling new wells or buying diesel for pumps. Marginal farmers may lose access entirely, pushing them out of farming or into distress migration.

Environmentally, over-pumping makes rivers shrink or dry up. The rapids of many rivers have vanished as their baseflow is cut by depleted aquifers. Vegetation dies (drylands become deserts), soil salinizes and compacts. Wetlands and lakes are lost to concrete. Even land subsidence can occur in extreme cases. Cities then must augment supply (e.g. Chennai’s desalination plants, Hyderabad’s new reservoirs), but often at great expense and uneven success. Poorer communities lose disproportionately when municipal groundwater (or tanker water) is rationed.

Government Responses: Supply, Demand and Regulation

Recognizing the crisis, India has launched many initiatives to recharge aquifers, save water, and regulate use:

·         Artificial Recharge & Rainwater Harvesting: Nationally, nearly every state has programs to recharge groundwater. The CGWB’s Master Plan for Artificial Recharge (2020) outlines ~1.42 crore recharge structures to harvest ~185 BCM of rainfall. Central schemes like Jal Shakti Abhiyan (JSA) (launched 2019, plus follow-ups “Catch the Rain”) mobilize district efforts to build ponds, check dams and soak pits. By 2024, JSA had targeted 151 water-stressed districts and built over 1.07 crore conservation structures. Under MGNREGA and watershed programs, millions of farm ponds and contour trenches also trap monsoon runoff. States like Rajasthan mandate village ponds and have seen 33–51% of wells rising year-to-year.

·         Micro-Irrigation and Crop Policies: The Pradhan Mantri Krishi Sinchayee Yojana (PMKSY) has a “Per Drop More Crop” component subsidizing drip/sprinkler systems. By 2025, nearly 97 lakh hectares have micro-irrigation – ~46.4 lakh ha drip, 50.6 lakh ha sprinkler. This is a major expansion, though still a fraction of India’s ~140 m ha sown area. The government also incentivizes crop changes: e.g. Haryana’s “Mera Pani Meri Virasat” and Punjab’s crop diversification programs pay farmers to replace paddy with less-watery crops (mustard, maize, pulses, etc). Punjab’s Pani Bachao scheme even rewards farmers with cash/energy rebates for using less pump power.

·         Subsidy Reforms: Some states have experimented with time-of-day or voltage control of pump power to discourage waste. Haryana’s grid reform (Jyotigram Yojana) delivered 24-hour three-phase rural power, making supply metered (and thus billable), so farmers can no longer pump unlimited free power. Several states also cap power hours for irrigation.

·         Water Accounting: Under Atal Bhujal Yojana (Atal Jal, launched Dec 2019), funded by World Bank, priority gram panchayats in 7 states (Gujarat, Haryana, Karnataka, MP, Maharashtra, Rajasthan, UP) are developing “community groundwater plans” with water budgets. This ₹6,000 cr scheme (2020–25) aims to involve villages in monitoring and demand management. By 2024 it covered ~8,350 panchayats across 78 districts.

·         Building Codes and Urban Laws: Cities and states are enforcing mandatory rooftop rainwater harvesting for new construction. Chennai and Mumbai require large buildings to install recharge pits and tanks. Pune and others now map aquifers at neighborhood level to manage extractions. The AMRUT 2.0 urban mission promotes stormwater drains that recharge groundwater.

·         Legislation and Regulation: In 2020, the Central Ground Water Authority tightened norms: new industries, housing or mines must get “no-objection certificates” contingent on recharge conditions. The central Model Groundwater Bill has been circulated to states; as of 2025 at least 21 states/UTs (e.g. Punjab, Haryana, UP, Bihar, Himachal) enacted groundwater laws or rules. Some states require registration of all new wells (e.g. Gujarat, Telangana, Andhra Pradesh) and set usage permits. However, enforcement remains patchy.

·         Aquifer Mapping and Data: The CGWB has mapped aquifers across India (National Aquifer Mapping, covering ~25 lakh km²) to inform recharge and withdrawal strategies. District-level aquifer maps and ground-water budgeting are being shared with local authorities. Online portals (e.g. India-GRES) now aggregate dynamic resource assessments for planners.

Collectively, these measures aim to increase supply (via recharge and rainwater capture), reduce demand (via efficient irrigation and cropping changes), and regulate use. For example, the CGWB reports that between 2017 and 2024, national groundwater recharge has edged up (by 13.90 BCM) while extraction stayed roughly level. The share of “safe” assessment units rose from 62.6% (2017) to 73.4% (2024), the highest ever. This reflects some success of conservation efforts: many areas where communities took collective action (village committees to manage pumps, local recharge drives) have stabilized groundwater.

Conclusion and Outlook

India’s groundwater crisis is grave and complex. Decades of agricultural development and urbanization have created chronic overuse in large parts of the country. In regions like Punjab/Haryana, western UP, and parts of Rajasthan and Maharashtra, aquifers are being mined unsustainably. Over-extraction is now visible even in major cities, threatening long-term water security.

However, the recognition of the problem has spurred unprecedented initiatives. Programmes like Atal Bhujal Yojana, Jal Shakti Abhiyan, and expanded rainwater harvesting hint at a turning point. Empowering communities appears crucial: where farmers’ groups have negotiated local pumping schedules or built recharge ponds, groundwater loss has slowed or even reversed. The CGWB’s repeated surveys (2017–2024) suggest that with persistent effort, the trajectory can change.

Still, challenges remain. Large parts of northern India will not quickly shift from rice-wheat farming or curb free power without major policy reforms. Climate change and unpredictable monsoons add uncertainty. Effective groundwater management will require aligning economic incentives (pricing, procurement) with sustainability, enforcing regulations on polluters and over-drillers, and continuing to expand efficient irrigation. Equally important is maintaining groundwater quality: as the PIB notes, preserving quantity is half the battle – most groundwater is safe for irrigation, but toxic levels of arsenic, uranium, etc., in some areas demand action.

In summary, India is indeed plumbing the depths of its groundwater, pumping roughly 60% of its annual recharge. This overdraft has already led to deep water tables, expensive pumping, and contamination in many regions. But a nationwide pivot toward community stewardship, water-saving technology, and demand management is underway. Whether these measures can scale up fast enough to avert ecological crisis is the critical question. If successful, they could transform a looming “tragedy of the commons” into a model of sustainable resource governance.

Sources: Government data, expert analyses and news reports (CGWB assessments, PIB releases, journalistic investigations) detailing India’s groundwater extraction, regional trends, water quality findings, and policy responses. These confirm that many parts of India withdraw far more water than recharges each year, with consequent social and ecological impacts.